Erdoğan’s AKP runs out of steam, then what?

Yavuz Baydar
Yavuz Baydar


Date posted: January 27, 2014

YAVUZ BAYDAR

We are now in the midst of a system crisis with unprecedented dimensions and unforeseen consequences. Turkey’s fiercely embattled Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is betting whatever the country has gained over the past years on a game of prospects that will either lead to a downfall, or turn the stakes in such favor for himself so as to speed up his irresistible rise to untouchability.

At the outset, the betting looks scary — and for the right reasons. But the history of Turkey has also taught us, that whenever some hijacking of good processes took place, they either ended up in a series of unpredicted repercussions or in disasters for all those who hungered after authoritarian power.

So, in a sense, the current “combustion” may be healthy. First of all, here we have a leader who has run out of an agenda to appease and lure his main electorate over their Sunni sensitivities — for example, normalization of the headscarf and public visibility of all piety. And now, because of massive spitefulness to rules of global machinery, he is slowly running out of good arguments over economic gains.

Second, his policy of populist advancement by sharply antagonizing timely selected social segments now hit an even thicker wall, as he challenges the Hizmet movement and the moral values internalized by its many humble followers on the ground.

This, as I argue over and over, has never been a shallow power game — this is a profound rift, which will have global weight, and its consequences will to a great deal clarify the responses to whether or not Islam and democracy are indeed compatible. Egypt, after Turkey, was another chance and its failure provided parts of the answers as to why.

But nothing is over yet. Evolution is a process, and the fact that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has now run out of steam, to transform itself into a movement of Muslim Democrats as a follow-up on having reached the stage of post-Islamists, means that we shall need to focus on the confrontation and the core of its underlying debate:

The debate is about greed vs. morality, autocratic rule vs. tolerant leadership, impunity vs. accountability, equality vs. superiority and, perhaps most importantly, whether or not the religion of Islam has a role at all in politics; and if so, what its democratically reasonable dosage will be.

In a way, what Turkey has been going through was of necessity: All the ups and downs and the patterns of the AKP leadership had to be experienced, with outmost respect to the electorate’s choice.

In fact, what brought us to today’s wave of corruption suspicions and public mistrust was the 2010 referendum.

At that critical threshold, many of us, who promoted a “yes” to constitutional amendments, acted upon an English proverb: The proof of the pudding is in the eating.

This, I argued in 2010, had to be a natural democratic flow; a test over which we would all be able to measure Erdoğan on whether or not he is at the core a democratic leader. The result, as of today, is an immense disappointment, probably an irreversible marking, and now we all know the taste of the pudding.

Now we all face a choice between a majoritarian vs. republican democracy — “exclusive” vs. moderate government. Mohammed Morsi proved the distaste of a bigger pudding in Egypt, and now Erdoğan is before realizing the democratic lessons.

So, we should be placidly watchful.

As Richard Falk, from Princeton University, argues in a new article for Al Jazeera: “Egypt is experiencing the essentially anti-democratic restoration of authoritarian militarism, while Turkey is trying to preserve sufficient stability and consensus to enable the self-restrained persistence of procedural democracy and a successful process of constitutional renewal that rids the country of the 1982 militarist vision of governance, and moves towards creating the institutional and procedural frame and safeguards associated with republican democracy. Such a vision of a democratic future for Turkey implies a process, not an event, and will require an on-going struggle inevitably distracted by crises of legitimacy. The hope is that calm minds will prevail; serving the long-term interests of a state that retains great potential to be a beacon of light in the region and beyond.”

Source: Todays Zaman , January 26, 2014


Related News

PM’s son: Dad, let’s initiate an operation against Hizmet’s senior members

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s son Bilal allegedly urged his father to trigger an operation to detain prominent figures of the Hizmet movement in response to an ongoing graft and bribery investigation implicating Erdoğan, his family members and a number of ministers and businessmen close to him.

Man killed in Yalova over sympathy for Hizmet movement

A 35-year-old man has been killed in Yalova province by a drug addict on the grounds that the victim was a follower of the faith-based Hizmet movement, against which the government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has declared battle since last year, and because he was a critic of Erdoğan.

Fatih University graduates receive Feb. 28-like treatment at İstanbul University

Some graduates of the İstanbul-based Fatih University, affiliated with the faith-based Hizmet movement, have become the latest victims of the battle launched by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government against the movement, as they have been subjected to apparent discrimination during post-graduate interviews at state-run İstanbul University, reminiscent of the days of the Feb. 28 military coup.

Turkish Human Rights Violations Put Under Microscope

The annual dinner celebrates and strengthens civic ties within the Turkish diaspora and with the United States; last night was no different save the sobering theme of the proceedings: Turkish human rights violations.

Politics and communities

The state can no longer control the estate in its entirety. As a matter of fact, society and politics cannot be perceived as an “estate.” Thus, civil forces and communities want to be influential over decision-making mechanisms related to political processes and public polices, not over the state.

Fear and paranoia still stalk Turkey two months after the failed coup

The official government narrative is everywhere, from the Twitter accounts to the dominance of the state-affiliated and pro-government press and TV in the wake of media crackdowns. The same words and phrases have been repeated endlessly by the AKP and their supporters until they become almost meaningless – Get Gülen. Gülen. Gülen. We are democracy. Democracy. Democracy. That is how it is, and there is no room to consider anything else.

Latest News

Fethullah Gulen – man of education, peace and dialogue – passes away

Fethullah Gülen’s Condolence Message for South African Human Rights Defender Archbishop Desmond Tutu

Hizmet Movement Declares Core Values with Unified Voice

Ankara systematically tortures supporters of Gülen movement, Kurds, Turkey Tribunal rapporteurs say

Erdogan possessed by Pharaoh, Herod, Hitler spirits?

Devious Use of International Organizations to Persecute Dissidents Abroad: The Erdogan Case

A “Controlled Coup”: Erdogan’s Contribution to the Autocrats’ Playbook

Why is Turkey’s Erdogan persecuting the Gulen movement?

Purge-victim man sent back to prison over Gulen links despite stage 4 cancer diagnosis

In Case You Missed It

Atlantic Institute promotes peace through dialogue

Another Hizmet-affiliated school targeted by AK Party

Embassies Embark on Diplomatic Moves for the Release of Detained Sierra Leonean in Turkey

Turkey’s Plans to Abolish Private Tutoring Centers Arrests Free Enterprise and Democracy

Ghana delegation explores business in Turkey

Turkish Martyrs Day: Rumi Forum marks heroics of Turk soldiers

Philip Clayton on Fethullah Gulen and Hizmet Movement

Copyright 2024 Insightful Neighbor